26 CONVERSATIONS ABOUT
ORGANIZING, SCHOOL REFORM, AND
NO CHILD LEFT BEHIND

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Those who designed, passed, and signed No Child Left Behind excluded low-income families from any of the fundamental decisions built into the act. Important educational policy choices - the use of standardized testing, for example, or the definition of highly qualified teachers or the type of curricula that may be used – are being relocated to state capitals and Washington. Meanwhile, parents continue to wonder why Ronald Reagan is the last president in their kids’ history text, how many substitutes can rotate through one room in one year, and why their students bring home the same worksheets for three grades in a row.

The 2001 reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (a.k.a. No Child Left Behind or NCLB), is sucking the oxygen out of any broader national debate over what to do about public education, especially in major urban centers. With a modest increase in school aid, a significant increase in regulation, and a full court press by top administration officials marketing NCLB, it smothers the discussion with a tangle of mixed signals. Governors, state education officials, and national interest groups wage a non-stop war of attrition to reshape the U.S. Department of Education (DOE) regulations, generally to protect their budgets or their reputations.1 At the city level, school officials variously treat NCLB as the soon to melt away flavor of the week or a federal intrusion that pressures districts to pare the local educational program down to a reductionist version of literacy and numeracy.

Between October and March, we spoke with 29 organizers in 26 grassroots organizations that work on education justice issues in 14 states and the District of Columbia. We took an in-depth look at their recent school reform activity and explored the relevance of No Child Left Behind to solving the problems they confront in their local schools and districts. This report summarizes those conversations, identifies some themes, and, of course, raises new questions. We found that:

  1. ° While organizers and community leaders are conscious of No Child Left Behind as a national policy issue, they frequently do not yet see it as relevant to solving problems in their local schools. When NCLB is on a group’s radar, it registers most often as a suspected Trojan horse for vouchers, charters, privatization, and other proposals seen as threatening the survival of neighborhood schools.
  2. º Most groups, however, are working on issues directly related to quality of instruction, and when presented with a variety of policy options drawn from

1 Gewertz, C. Urban Students Show Reading, Math Gains on State Assessments. Education Week, March 31, 2004; Richard, A. and Robelen, E. Federal Law Is Questioned By Governors. Education Week, March 3, 2004.

  1. NCLB regulations, a majority expressed interest in those that relate directly to quality of instruction.
  2. º In spite of their increasing focus on quality of instruction, community groups are less likely to have organizational relationships with teacher unions than with almost any other constituency.
  3. º In terms of support – beyond funding – that groups need to pursue educational justice organizing, by far the largest group mentioned capacity building (specific technical assistance on NCLB), teacher quality, and access to education experts who can help them think through and plan education campaigns. Runner up concerns were increased and more experienced staffing and assistance in forming collaborations.

In a nation where for generations public education policy has been atomized into tens of thousands of public school districts, No Child Left Behind is forcing local groups into the classic environmentalist stance – act locally, think globally. The grassroots organizations we interviewed have to struggle just to remain politically competitive in a local policymaking environment. Many of the organizers we interviewed acknowledged that the education justice issues they confront should be viewed in some larger framework. They express interest in interacting with colleagues from other organizations to explore how that framework relates to their local work. The three organizations we represent and, we hope, others that include education justice issues among their priorities, plan to assist several grassroots organizations in building the necessary bridges to connect global educational policy to local educational quality.

 

for the full report see

http://www.communitychange.org/shared/publications/downloads/nclbconvo.pdf

 

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